This article traces the roots of Eurocentrism and epistemic violence at universities. Any Frantz Fanon: an Introduction Benjamin Graves '98, Brown University. She dreams of setting a pile of cash on fire. A central aspect in constructing that identity, in turn, is the use of violence. His book (Wretched of the Earth) was his most celebrated work, as it explored the violent nature of nationalistic movements. In his analysis, Fanon does utilise Marxist class categorisation, based on the relationship to the means of production, but recognises that such categorisation cannot be separated from considerations of race and racism, which are integral aspects of colonial society (Fairchild, 1994: 193). In order to overcome the legacy of colonialism, it is necessary to also decolonise the intellectual landscape of the country in question, and, ultimately, decolonise the mind of the formerly colonised. Forms of Fanonism: Frantz Fanon's Critical Theory and the Dialectics of Decolonization is discursively distinguished from other engagements of Fanon's thought and texts insofar as it is the first study to consciously examine his contributions to Africana Studies and critical theory or, rather, the Africana tradition of critical theory. He was also an activist, which means that he understood that theorising alone is not enough but one has to do something in order for the world to change. The removal of colonial symbols, the renaming of university buildings, and changing of curriculums are some of the signs that Fanonian literature is making an impact in society. Date written: November 2015, All content on the website is published under the following Creative Commons License, Copyright © — E-International Relations. The writings of Frantz Fanon influenced the thinking of Irish Republicans from the 1970s onwards (2). 3 (1973), pp. Fanon has also been accused of overlooking the importance of structural and economic constraints and ‘consequently [overrating] the possibilities of change’ (Burke, 1976: 128). Many countries used violence to end colonial rule. Caute, D., Fanon (London: Fontana, 1970). Their fight for black people is actually a fight for black men. The Daily Vox asked political theorists and activists why Fanon is still revered in activist spaces. Fanon speaks about violence. Increasingly his work is being featured, although he might not necessarily be part of the official curriculum. It is not complicated but, it takes people who believe in themselves enough to do what is in their best interest as a group. I call myself a revolutionary and Fanon explains it best: to be a revolutionary you must be very conscious. This is particularly true in post-apartheid South Africa. Nevertheless, despite the aggression, resistance and thus revolutionary character of the rural peasantry, Fanon acknowledges the need for carefully organising the anticolonial struggle, and doubts the ability of the peasantry to organise themselves. He cautions us that liberal nationalism tends to abandon the program of decolonisation based on return of the land due to their fear of a world without whites. Decolonisation is a violent process because living in a colonised space is violence in itself. This work can be used for background reading and research, but should not be cited as an expert source or used in place of scholarly articles/books. The discourse of decolonisation has become very popular and it is trickling down to people who are outside the university space. In the colonial system, the urban working class is the part of the native society most ‘necessary and irreplaceable if the colonial machine is to run smoothly’, leading to a ‘privileged position’ in the colonial system (Ibid. What made his writing radical is the length he was ready to go to transform those situations of injustice and inequity. The French psychiatrist Frantz Fanon was a prominent psychological analyst of oppression during the 20th century, focusing his work predominantly on the oppression of the black Antillean as well as the Arab of Algeria. Before you download your free e-book, please consider donating to It’s reparation. His family occupied a social position within Martinican society that could reasonably qualify them as part of the black bourgeoisie; Frantz’s father, Casimir Fanon, was a customs inspector and his mother, Eléanore Médélice, owned a hardware store in downtown Fort-de-France, the capital of Martinique. That is why it is interesting to examine his ideas. Fanon teaches us about the centrality of the land in decolonisation — that in the mind of our people the greatest sign and rightfully so, of their freedom, is the land. Frantz Fanon : De l’anticolonialisme à la critique postcoloniale. Fanon is educating us on how to go about on the idea of decolonisation, how to end it both theoretically and practically. Fanon, F., ‘Algeria Unveiled,’ in P. Duara, Decolonization: Perspectives from Now and Then (London: Routledge, 2004). His analysis on violence tops it. This in turn reinforces national inferiority and economic dependency to the former colonial power (Fairchild, 1994: 196). I am able to confront the unjust system of white people as colonialists beyond just politically, but to the extent of mental slavery as well. The ANC Youth League Is Dead. support open access publishing. 22, No. It is fighting for your humanness and we have to start seeing violence in a different way. Many thanks! Integrating psychoanalysis, phenomenology, existentialism, and Negritude theory, Fanon articulated an expansive view of the psychosocial repercussions of colonialism on colonized people. A further implication of this dialectic of violence, which serves as a tool in the construction of the national identity, is that escalating colonial violence in reaction to native uprisings only serves to strengthen, not disrupt, the unity of the native people (Ibid. Indeed, even those who criticise the accuracy of his analysis recognise the value of its inspirational rhetoric (Burke, 1976: 127). Since the end of the oppressive and racist apartheid system in 1994, epistemologies and knowledge systems at most South African universities have not considerably changed; they remain rooted in colonial, apartheid and Western worldviews and epistemological traditions. Fanon, F., The Wretched of the Earth, translated by Constance Farrington (London: Penguin, 2001). Instead, early outlets for pent-up aggression include native cultural practices and especially internal conflicts between native individuals and tribes, which are exacerbated by the colonisers seeking to strengthen their rule by exploiting those divides (Sartre, 2001: 16). Very much sincere, Henry Price Jr. aka Obediah Buntu IL-Khan aka Kankan. Smith, R.C., ‘Fanon and the Concept of Colonial Violence,’ Black World/Negro Digest, Vol. In conclusion, it becomes clear that Fanon’s key theses on decolonisation, while not entirely unproblematic, included various insights that retain their value today. Contribution à une généalogie de la critique postcoloniale. I stand proudly, being black and conscious. The Contribution of Frantz Fanon to the Process of the Liberation of the People by Mireille Fanon-Mendès France, translated by Donato Fhunsu F ANON, whether the issue is insanity, racism, or “universalism” hijacked by the powerful, does not, really, cease to posit the possibility of a “liv-ing together” in the form of a translation into Frantz Omar Fanon (/ ˈ f æ n ə n /, US: / f æ ˈ n ɒ̃ /; French: [fʁɑ̃ts fanɔ̃]; 20 July 1925 – 6 December 1961), also known as Ibrahim Frantz Fanon, was a French West Indian psychiatrist and political philosopher from the French colony of Martinique (today a French department).His works have become influential in the fields of post-colonial studies, critical theory and Marxism. He was uncompromising in his positions of how to deal with them. Indeed, Fanon’s description of the adverse psychological effects of violence on some of his patients in Algeria makes it abundantly clear that he ‘abhors violence even while recognizing it as a necessary evil in some cases’ (Martin, 1970: 383). Violent anticolonial resistance thus retains its viability and therefore its value in unifying a people against the properly identified enemy, namely the settler, and ‘liberat[ing] the native from despair and inaction’ (Gibson, 2003: 118). For Fanon, ‘all killing is by definition de-humanizing’ (Caute: 1970: 87). Renault, M. 2011b. Born on the French colony Martinique, the darkest of eight children to a middle-class family, Fanon created works that continue to inspire and ignite the revolutionary spirit in black activists around the world. However, he often departs from traditional Marxist analysis, preventing most commentators from labelling him a clear-cut Marxist (Forsythe, 1973: 160). Rabaka, R., Forms of Fanonism: Frantz Fanon’s Critical Theory and the Dialectics of Decolonization (Langham: Lexington Books, 2010). Though just 27 at the time of its publication, the workdisplays incredible literacy in major intellectual trends of the time:psychoanalysis, existentialism, phenomenology, and dialectics, as wellas, most prominently, the early Négritude movement and U.S.based critical race work in figures like Richard Wright. Fanon died of cancer in 1961, aged 36. Furthermore, perhaps due to his own intimate involvement in the Algerian struggle for independence, it is often unclear whether Fanon is describing how decolonisation actually works, or how it ought to (Ibid. According to Fanon, the colonial world can be understood as the encounter between two forces, those of the colonial settler and the native population, defined and sustained by violence (2001: 28). Written at: Queen Mary University of London Fanon’s Peau noire, masques blancs (1952; Black Skin, White Masks) is a multidisciplinary analysis of the effect of colonialism on racial consciousness. The author argues that South Af… 127-135. So for Fanon all aspects of society should be mobilised in favour of the revolution to ensure an authentic common and shared purpose is cultivated. Fanon is best known as a psychologist, revolutionary theorist and philosopher who played a leading role in the revolutionary movement in Algeria in the fifties and early sixties. Written by: Samuel William Singler He was the one who motivated to me that fear is an expression of inferiority and that I should overcome it so I can fight for all the oppressed. Nolwandle Zondi is a graduate from the formerly existing University of Pretoria’s journalism department. He contends that "decolonisation is quite simply the replacing of a certain “species” of men by another… Frantz Omar Fanon, the psychiatrist, revolutionary and father of decolonisation, would be 92 years old. Paradoxically, it is the constant excessive use of force by the colonisers that proves they are not entirely in control, and subsequently prevents the complete dehumanisation of the natives (Gibson, 2003: 109). Fanon, joined the French army at 17 and felt disoriented by the racism he experienced during his time there. “How they’re as good as they are now is a mystery to me, after a hundred years of systematic denial that they’re human.” (Lee, 2015: 252). 381-399. Martin, T., ‘Rescuing Fanon from the Critics,’ African Studies Review, Vol. Second, the internalisation of dehumanising and violent colonial relations destroys the natives’ ‘sense of selfhood’ (Gibson, 2003: 107) allowing for continued colonial exploitation due to ‘a belief in fatality [which] removes all blame from the oppressor’ (Fanon, 2001: 42). Everything must collapse. He also recommends solutions and guidelines to achieving a decolonised society. In fact, failing to integrate the rural population into the anticolonial struggle will simply lead to one form of exploitation being supplanted by another, as a new national bourgeoisie will simply emulate the role of the colonial bourgeoisie (Fanon, 2001: 132-134). I believe to duly summarize his teaching would be to set forth his teachings obligate Buntu to progressively work toward possessing modern living conditions plus to possess nations which are as a group self-sustaining plus self-sufficient. Therefore, the fallist movement is moved to take action and Fanon is part of that powerful force behind our collective action as a movement. In other words, the necessarily violent imposition and sustenance of colonial rule simultaneously sow the seeds of its own destruction. Fanon reports that the whole revolutionary movement valued the participation of women and supported what was to become an invaluable part of the revolution (Fanon, 1959: 60). Forsythe, D., ‘Frantz Fanon – The Marx of the Third World,’ Phylon, Vol. Fanon gave careful attention to the violent ramifications of colonialism on the psyches of the colonized, and that the colonized individual was “stunted” by a “deeply implanted sense of degradation and inferiority.” In The Wretched of The Earth (1963), Frantz Fanon had this to say about decolonisation “Decolonisation, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a programme of complete disorder. In order to understand what might be involved in the decolonisation of the … My wish is for him to not only be invoked but to be properly studied. Gibson, N. C., Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003). For instance, in his insistence on the construction of a national, not regional or racial, identity, Fanon seems to overlook the fact that African nations were largely the somewhat arbitrary product of European colonisation, often internally divided tribally and linguistically (Caute, 1970: 80-81). I only find myself in the context of blackness and that is not enough. The reason why Fanon has such a great influence in my life is because of his own clarity of thought and a clear aim of purpose. The curriculum remains largely Eurocentric and continues to reinforce white and Western dominance and privilege. The Wretched of the Earth deeply influenced African and African American social movements and has been widely praised, but it is most certainly not a work free of controversy (Fairchild, 1994: 191). His works mainly centered on understanding the psychopathology that most colonial powers used to demean their subjects. I’m very aware that black violent masculinity has a lot to do with the colonisers, the way they made blacks see violence as a method of retaining superiority and for one to be subversive to the other. This causes Fanon to break away from Marx by asserting that it is the rural peasantry, not the urban proletariat, who form the revolutionary class (Fanon, 2001: 47). Chumani Maxwele, Rhodes Must Fall activistFanon is clear on the need for us to theorise our reality and thus take action in changing it. 13, No. Violence and Otherness: A New Perspective on Decolonisation Beyond Fanon, Women at War in the Middle East: Gendered Dynamics of ISIS and the Kurdish YPJ, Examining Islamic State’s Mechanisms to Carry Out Genocide in Iraq, Composing Compositeness: Examining EU Defining Actor Aspect in Russia Relations, Decolonising World Politics: Anti-Colonial Movements Beyond the Nation-State. Fanon’s philosophy of decolonization explores the range of ways in which Frantz fanon’s decolonization theory can reveal new answers to perennial philosophical questions and new paths to social justice. I am able to validate the source of the violence in blacks particularly black men. Born on the French colony Martinique, the darkest of eight children to a middle-class family, Fanon created works that continue to inspire and ignite the revolutionary spirit in black activists around the world. : 81). Sidanius, J., N. Kteily, S. Levin, F. Pratto and M. Obaidi, ‘Support for Asymmetric Violence Among Arab Populations: The Clash of Cultures, Social Identity, or Counterdominance?’ Group Processes & Intergroup Relations (2015), pp. As Fanon dramatically puts it, ‘the symbols of social order … are at one and the same time inhibitory and stimulating: for they do not convey the message “Don’t dare to budge”; rather, they cry out “Get ready to attack”’ (2001: 41). Paris, Éditions Amsterdam. Buntu people enjoyed that state for hundreds of years. Fanon’s view of the necessity of violence as part of the anticolonial struggle has been a particular topic of contention for critics, commonly leading to accusations of ‘barbarism and terrorism’ (Smith, 1973: 32). 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